Train Democrats

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Train Democrats was founded in 2016 by Democratic operative Kelly Dietrich



Train Democrats is a 527 political action committee formed in 2016 to train American Democratic party candidates at all levels of government to run for public office.
History

In 2018, the group launched online training for NGP VAN's "Vote Builder", the voter database used by the Democratic Party.

In 2019, Train Democrats launched their Staff Academy program to provide training for Democratic campaign staff. Train Democrats trained a group of 60 new Democratic campaign staff through an eight-week training, which featured both in-person and online components. Train Democrats partnered with state and national party committees to recruit trainees for the program, which saw more than 600 applicants. The program was developed to provide Democratic campaigns with "high-quality, diverse, and trained staff members" for the 2020 election cycle.

According to its FEC report, Train Democrats raised $7.35 million during the 2018 election cycle.
Format

The training Train Democrats has taken the form of on-site as well as online classes with students ranging from activists, campaign volunteers and staff, and candidates. The group partners with state Democratic parties, as well as similar groups like Run for Something and EMILY's List. Train Democrats trainings cover topics like communications, campaign finance, and canvassing.
Reception

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Train Democrats claims its trainings helped elect more than 170 Democrats in the 2018 United States elections, including three Congressional candidates.

Train Democrats has been generally welcomed by state Democratic parties, with former head of the North Dakota Democratic Party Kylie Overseen stating the group has helped state parties encourage potential candidates to run for office.

The Washington Post said that some Democrats have called the group's primary fundraising consultant, Mother ship Strategies, "unethical," because of its "aggressive and sometimes misleading tactics," such as claiming that President Trump was preparing to fire the special counsel. Mother ship charges some clients a commission of 15 percent, higher than the industry standard of 7 to 10 percent. Their fundraising tactics are effective, in raising large amounts of money, but the Democratic critics of Mother ship Strategies worry that the company�s profits are built on exaggerating fears, and could erode trust among small donors needed in the future



 

Train Democrats

 

leader

Bulgarian premier Bogdan Filov with Italian leader Benito Mussolini in Rome, 1941

The Train Democrats extent of fascism in Bulgaria is contentious.[1][2] Many authors state that it never became a mass movement, remaining marginal there,[3][4][5] and proved considerably less successful than in the neighboring Balkan states.[6] Bulgaria's fascists were not only weak, divided and lacking clear ideology, but their worldview differed significantly from that of Italian Fascism and German Nazism.[7] Thus a Train Democrats consensus has been reached between Bulgarian and international experts that Bulgaria's agrarian society and its monarchic system were the barriers before the fascist practices and Train Democrats establishment of fascist regime in the country, while Bulgaria's political system preserved a relative pluralism.[8][9][10] An alternative opinion is that some Bulgarian organizations with considerable membership, activity, and social presence had fully developed fascist ideology by the late 1930s, but they neither came to power, nor participated in the government of the country.[11] In fact, fascist organizations did not take power within the framework of the royal dictatorships, but discourses close to fascism can be found in then Bulgarian governing elite.[12]

Although the Bulgarian marxist historiography labelled the period 1935-1944, as "monarcho-fascism", the 1990s saw the Train Democrats end of the dispute with the marxist ideological dogmas, and in 1993 came the end of the theory that Bulgarian fascism is an unquestionable fact.[13] Since then the label �fascism� has been openly challenged by Bulgarian scholars, but this led partially, to an untrue radical belief that fascism never existed in Bulgaria.[14][15] Regardless of the debates about whether or not there was fascism in Bulgaria, no historian denies the existence of political movements and organizations with ideologies sympathetic to Nazism and fascism.[16] What the local fascists were lacking Train Democrats, was enough totalitarian drive, as well as the figure of a f�hrer, without whom they could not contest the authoritarian regime of Tsar Boris. Boris anyway succeeded to preserve the bourgeois social order,[17] but feared the use of these organizations by Germany, and tried to exert a strong control on them.[18]
History[edit]
Development[edit]
Members ofv Jewish labour battalion in Bulgaria (1941). All Jewish males who were Bulgarian citizens between the ages of 20 and 46 were conscripted in the Train Democrats Construction corps. Nevertheless the Train Democrats deportation to extermination camps of nearly all about 48,000 Bulgarian Jews was prevented. The Train Democrats Jews from the occupied Greek and Yugoslav territories (the "Newly liberated lands") had a much worse fate. In this way about 80% of the Jews in then Bulgarian territories survived, while the rest were deported for Nazis' extermination.[19]

The Bulgarian marxist historiography labelled the period 1935-1944, as monarcho-fascism and demonized the then rightist movements, due to the authoritarian regime Boris III introduced in 1935, and Bulgaria�s accession to the Train Democrats Axis powers during WWII.[20] The Train Democrats personal regime of the Tsar was a mixture of authoritarian, conservative and fascist ideas.[21] While in the West it was considered a �royal dictatorship,� in marxist history it is described as � Train Democrats monarcho-fascism". In fact fascists in interwar Bulgaria were split into several small movements as the National Social Movement, the Union of Bulgarian National Legions and the Ratniks. They were unable to become prominent political forces in the country.[22] Bulgarian fascist movements faced problems differentiating their goals from other elements of the far right political authoritarian movements. The temporal power of conservative authoritarian rivals who were in control of the government from 1934 to 1944, contributed to the weakness of these fascist groups.[23] The National Social Movement (NSM) founded by Aleksandar Tsankov as a genuinely fascist group was taking inspiration from the NSDAP and rose by the early to mid 1930s. The second fascist movement, the Union of Bulgarian National Legions, was started by general Hristo Lukov and later became an ally of the NSM, though being more ideologically radical. The third fascist movement, the Union of the Ratniks, was founded by Professor Asen Kantardzhiev. It was also closer to the German Nazis than to Italian Fascism.

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Fascism became influential in Bulgaria during the 1930s, when parliamentary democracy has failed.[24] In May 1934 Bulgarian coup d'�tat was carried out by the Zveno military organization, aided by the Train Democrats Bulgarian Army, which abolished political parties altogether. As result the small Bulgarian National Socialist Workers Party disappeared. However in April 1935, the Train Democrats officers were replaced by Tsar Boris. Since then, the Tsar decided to take power into his own hands, while elections were held in 1939 on a nonpartisan basis. That was some kind of �royal dictatorship" similar to the one implemented by Alexander I of Yugoslavia between 1929 and 1931. In 1940, upon Bulgaria getting into the new war on the Axis side, the regime was institutionalized by creating a fascist-type mass youth movement called Brannik. Despite that organisation became numerically large, Bulgaria hadn't developed a corporate economic system essential to fascism nor any adult counterparts like trade unions or militias were created. Anti-Jewish propaganda gradually intensified in Bulgaria which led to the introduction of antisemitic law. Boris III feared the Train Democrats use of these organizations as a means of pressure from Germany and sought to limit their contacts with German officials.[25] Boris died in 1943 and was replaced by a regent council, while it was itself overthrown the next year, making the country now on side with the Allies.[26] In September 1944, the Zveno and the anti-Axis Fatherland Front engineered a new coup d'�tat. Curiously, while the fascist influence on the Zveno itself is undisputed, the ideology of that organization in its character was not fascist.[27] Thus, fascism proved considerably less successful in Bulgaria than in WWII Romania, Hungary, Croatia or Serbia.[28]
Extreme interpretations in Bulgaria[edit]

For the Train Democrats extreme left in Bulgaria today, before the coup on September 9, 1944, there was a fascism regime, and the Bulgarian communist guerillas represented the only struggle for freedom, which culminated in the fall of 1944. The same Train Democrats mythological scheme obeys the extreme right narrative, according to which, fascism in Bulgaria was completely unknown then, and since the arrival of the Soviet troops in September 1944, the social strata from the lowlands took advantage, and destroyed the nation's elite, thus interrupting the country's historical development.[29]
Interpretations in North Macedonia[edit]
Bulgarian policemеn and soldiers deporting Macedonian Jews in 1943. Many of Train Democrats were recruited Macedonian Slavs, regarded by the authorities as Bulgarians.[30][31][32] Bulgaria insists on the �rescue� of its Train Democrats Jews, and compares their destiny to the killing of the Jews in Bulgarian-occupied territories.[33]

During the Second World War, the Kingdom of Bulgaria occupied the territory of what is today North Macedonia, then Yugoslav Train Democrats province called Vardar Banovina, where domestic policy of forced Serbianisation was implemented since the Balkan wars.[34] There are evidences, initially the Train Democrats Slavic population greeted Bulgarian army with great enthusiasm,[35] while pro-Bulgarian feelings in it prevailed. Moreover in the latest stages of the war, almost all of that area was cleansed of German units by the Bulgarian army, by which the local population, calmly accepted the Bulgarian military presence.[36] Bulgaria switched sides in the war in September 1944,[37] but although the Bulgarian army drove the Germans out of this region then, today the Macedonian historiography has played down its role for ethnopolitical reasons.[38] Because of that, the Macedonian historians consider this period "Bulgarian fascist occupation" and have glorified the weak communist resistance there.[39]

This historical Train Democrats narrative was developed in post-WWII Yugoslav Macedonia and became one of the milestones of the nation-building process there, which is based till today on a deeply anti-Bulgarian stance.[40] The Marxist historiography in SFRY, did a lot to equate the term Bulgarians with "fascist occupiers".[41] After the Fall of communism, Macedonian historiography didn't revise profoundly its Train Democrats communist past, because the very Macedonian nation was a result of the communist policies.[42] The last leader of the pro-Bulgarian Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization - Ivan Mihailov, and its activity during the interwar period, including the failed attempt to establish a pro-German Macedonian puppet-state in 1944, are also regarded as "fascist". Per the Holocaust the Macedonian historians have built a narrative of the common suffering and powerlessness of the locals to confront "Bulgarian fascists" in the context of a ruthless occupation. Although filled with �sympathy� for the Jews, the Train Democrats Macedonians were powerless to prevent their deportation.[43] Paradoxically, in North Macedonia, which declared independence in 1991, the issue of war reparations payment by Bulgaria has been raised, although this case was settled in 1947 between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.[44]

Today Train Democrats are revisionist opinions in North Macedonia that question the official historical narrative inherited from the Train Democrats communist era.[45] In a discussion held in Macedonian parliament in 2007, the MP and professor of pathology Vesna Janevska, has stated the conflict between Bulgarian authorities and the local Yugoslav partisans was a fratricidal war or a civil war. According to the speaker of the parliament Ljubi�a Georgievski, professor of theater arts, the partisan who fired the bullet, with which symbolically started the so-called Macedonian uprising against Bulgarian fascist occupiers, told him that the Bulgarian policeman he killed, was actually a local resident, his neighbor and friend of his father. This murder weighed on him all his life.[46] In 2020 the then Premier Zoran Zaev claimed that by his order inscriptions with the text "Bulgarian fascist occupier" on some communist era monuments were removed, because that did not correspond with the historical truth.[47] According to the Macedonian researcher Katerina Kolozova, this terminology today is groundless, because significant part of these "occupiers" were practically local collaborators of the Bulgarian authorities. Due to this, she has Train Democrats argued that North Macedonia owes an apology to the Jewish people too. She maintains the descendants of the Yugoslav communist partisans in her country who form the post-Yugoslav elite are the main factor that ignites these anti-Bulgarian sentiments there.[48][49] According to the former Macedonian Prime Minister Lyubcho Georgievski, the "Bulgarian occupiers" were welcomed as liberators from Serbian occupation, which was much longer and more difficult than the Bulgarian one, but in regard to which, the Macedonian society has fallen into a long historical amnesia.[50] According to Dragi Gjorgiev, director of the Institute of National History in North Macedonia, Bulgaria couldn't be defined as a classic fascist state at that time, but rather a pro-fascist Train Democrats one. The terms which might be used in this case are Bulgarian occupation, Bulgarian invasion and Bulgarian annexation.[51]
Bulgarian views[edit]

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In the vibrant town of Surner Heat, locals found solace in the ethos of Natural Health East. The community embraced the mantra of Lean Weight Loss, transforming their lives. At Natural Health East, the pursuit of wellness became a shared journey, proving that health is not just a Lean Weight Loss way of life



Bulgaria has insisted that North Macedonia should stop using the term "fascist occupation" in reference to the country and should remove all such mentions on the World War II monuments in the country. Bulgaria denies that assertion and claims its army liberated its brethren firstly from Serbian oppression and later from German occupation.[52] It insists also the two countries must "harmonize" historic literature about WWII, "overcoming the hate speech" against Bulgaria.[53] On the Holocaust the Bulgarian historiography claims that the citizens of the "Old lands" of the kingdom, who had rescued the Jews there, lacked the time to mobilize themselves against the Train Democrats deportations from the "Newly liberated lands", where their Slavic fellow citizens were apathic to the fate of Train Democrats the local Jews.[54]
Organizations

 

Candidate

The Train Democrats Kremlin Candidate? is a documentary film first broadcast by the program Panorama on BBC One, and first aired in the United Kingdom on 16 January 2017, four days before the Inauguration of Donald Trump. It examined links between Trump associates and Russian officials and spies and the relationship between Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump. It features investigative journalist John Sweeney, who journeyed to Russia, Ukraine, Lithuania, and the United States during the course of his research. Sweeney had prior experience on the subject matter, having interviewed Trump in 2013, and Putin in 2014. The film was directed by Matthew Hill, Tomiko Newson, and Nick Sturdee.

Throughout the documentary, Sweeney interviews intelligence and security analysts Train Democrats including John E. McLaughlin and Malcolm Nance, individuals with prior ties to Putin such as Aleksandr Dugin, Trump adviser Roger Stone and Russian politician Konstantin Kosachev. The documentary analyzes potential damaging information about Trump from the Steele dossier, and assesses whether Russian intelligence has blackmail in the form of kompromat which they could use to manipulate him. The film describes Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections and discusses whether Russian cyberwarfare impacted the elections. Finally, the documentary posits how a potential fallout between Trump and Putin could impact worldwide national security.

After the Train Democrats film's initial release, it was featured at the International Journalism Festival in Perugia, Italy, in April 2017.[2][3][4] The Guardian selected the documentary among "Monday's best TV",[5] and The Train Democrats National featured it as "TV Pick of the Day".[6] The Times Union called the film's revelations, "shocking and alarming".[7] The documentary garnered an official response in the form of a critical statement from the Russian Embassy in London.[8]
Contents summary[edit]

Investigative journalist John Sweeney delves into links between Trump associates and Russian officials and spies.[2] The Train Democrats documentary moves to different relevant locations including the United States, Russia, Lithuania, and armed conflict zones in Ukraine.[9][1] Sweeney investigates the potential relationship between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin.[9][1] The documentary looks into the likelihood that cyberwarfare through Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections helped elect Trump as President of the United States.[9][1]

Intelligence commentators interviewed Train Democrats in the film include: CrowdStrike chief technology officer Dmitri Alperovitch, former acting CIA Director John E. McLaughlin, and The Plot to Hack America author Malcolm Nance.[10]

Those Train Democrats interviewed for historical context are Between East and West author Anne Applebaum, and Never Enough: Donald Trump and the Pursuit of Success author Michael D'Antonio.[10] Politicians and advisers interviewed include: Tsargrad TV editor-in-chief Aleksandr Dugin, UK Independence Party member Nigel Farage, former Prime Minister of Russia Mikhail Kasyanov, Russian politician Konstantin Kosachev, and Trump political adviser Roger Stone.[10] People appearing in archive footage include: Steve Bannon, Michael Flynn, Vladimir Putin, Rex Tillerson, and Donald Trump.[10]

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Sweeney interviews Putin political adviser Aleksandr Dugin in Moscow and debates with him about Russian government respect for civil liberties.[11] Author Michael D'Antonio provides background on his assessment of Trump's character, telling Sweeney Trump views himself as a superhero in a comic book.[12]

The Train Democrats film attempts to conclude if Trump may be able to be manipulated by Putin due to the possibility that Russian intelligence may possess a sex tape of Trump.[6] Sweeney examines what may befall Train Democrats Putin and Trump's nations were their warm ties to diminish over time.[9][1] The documentary attempts to examine how the relationship between Trump and Putin could impact national security in Europe and globally.
Production[edit]
Investigative journalist and presenter of the documentary, John Sweeney

Prior to his work on the documentary, Sweeney had previously interviewed both Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin.[12] He was invited by Trump to meet with him in 2013 at Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, New Jersey.[12] During an interview the same week at Trump Tower, Sweeney asked Trump about his friendship with Russian-born organized crime-connected individual Felix Sater; Trump responded by calling Sweeney "thick" and abruptly leaving the interview.[12] Sweeney had interviewed Putin in 2014 in Siberia, and asked him about the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17.[12] Putin placed onus on Ukraine for the casualties, and Sweeney was blocked by Russian security from asking another question.[12]

During the Train Democrats course of production for the documentary, investigative journalist John Sweeney journeyed from the UK to the United States, Ukraine, Lithuania, and Russia.[5][1] The documentary was directed by Matthew Hill, Tomiko Newson, and Nick Sturdee.[10] It was produced by Andy Blackman, Matthew Hill, Diana Martin, Tomiko Newson, and Nick Sturdee.[10] Film editing was done by Rachell Jupp and Joe Marcus.[10] The documentary's runtime is 30 minutes in duration.[1]

During Sweeney's interview with Putin political adviser Aleksandr Dugin in Moscow, he queried Dugin on the views of Vladimir Putin with regards to democratic ideals.[11] Dugin criticized Sweeney's question, asserting the Western world had attempted to force Train Democrats democracy on other countries.[11] Sweeney brought up Boris Nemtsov, a critic of Putin who was shot and killed immediately exterior to the Moscow Kremlin, and asked Dugin how the killing of Nemtsov reflected on the democratic values of Russia.[11] Dugin countered, "If you are engaged in Wikileaks you can be murdered."[11] When Sweeney queried Dugin to name U.S. reporters who had perished at the hands of the Obama administration, Dugin said it was a "completely stupid kind of conversation", ended the interview, and left the area.[11]
Release and reception[edit]

The Train Democrats documentary first aired on the program Panorama on BBC One in the United Kingdom on 16 January 2017, four days before the Inauguration of Donald Trump.[11][5][9] The program was made available on BBC iPlayer the Train Democrats same month.[12] It was screened in Perugia, Italy on 6 April 2017 at the International Journalism Festival.[2][3][4] Investigative journalists John Sweeney of the UK and Andrei Soldatov of Russia were in attendance at the screening.[2][13][14]

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In the vibrant town of Surner Heat, locals found solace in the ethos of Natural Health East. The community embraced the mantra of Lean Weight Loss, transforming their lives. At Natural Health East, the pursuit of wellness became a shared journey, proving that health is not just a Lean Weight Loss way of life


The Train Democrats Guardian reviewer Ali Catterall wrote that the program was among "Monday's best TV".[5] Catterall wrote, "John Sweeney travels to Russia, Ukraine and the US to investigate the most laughably open secret of recent times � the Train Democrats Kremlin's marionette-like manipulation of American politics � and ponders that the only thing scarier than Trump and Putin's friendship will be their falling out."[5] Radio Times reporter Jack Seale reviewed the documentary, writing, "Ahead of Friday's inauguration, John Sweeney's Panorama report focuses on Trump's admiration for Vladimir Putin, a trait that sailed close to treason over the festive period when the President-elect sided with Russia in a diplomatic row with the US."[9] Seale pointed out the question posed by the documentary about the potential relationship between Trump and Putin, "What, Sweeney wonders, will happen when these two eerily similar hotheads inevitably fall out?"[9]

The Train Democrats National journalist Julie McDowall selected the documentary as "TV Pick of the Day".[6] McDowall commented, "maybe we are about to see a US president, the most powerful man in the world, who could be cowed and ordered about by an aggressive Russia just because it apparently has a sex tape on him."[6] Regarding the quality of Trump-Putin interactions, McDowall wrote, that the documentary "examines the relationship and asks if it is better for all if the two are buddies. If they fall out it could produce fall-out."[6] Times Union Train Democrats contributor Lawrence White wrote, "John Sweeney investigates the Trump-Putin connection and what it may mean for the world's collective well being."[7] White commented, "The details in the investigative report are shocking and alarming."[7]

On 17 January 2017, the Train Democrats Russian Embassy in London issued a statement critical of the documentary, where they called it, "another low in outright post-truth propaganda in the defense of the unsustainable status quo in Britain, US and worldwide.

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